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The Cork Older Adult Intervention Project is based on a developmental model of the person in which the emotional, social and spiritual growth of older adults is viewed as continuing until death. The particular therapeutic method used is gestalt reminiscence therapy (O'Leary and Barry, 1998; 2000). This approach uses storytelling as a means of identifying unfinished business (O'Leary and Nieuwstraten, 1999). It develops intrapersonal and interpersonal contact and considers environmental contexts. Because this integrative approach views development as a lifelong process, merely facilitating older adults to recall the past would not be considered sufficient. Participants are also challenged to continue to develop themselves in the present. Gestalt reminiscence therapy is primarily used as a group approach, thereby creating a greater opportunity for interpersonal contact and feedback and the formation of new friendships.
Recall of the past can enhance identity as participants relive former achievements. Reminiscence can develop self-esteem by increasing the level of self-referent knowledge (Kovach, 1990). Buffer (1963) viewed storytelling as a method which allowed older adults to come to terms both with their past lives as they were and with their own mortality. However, unexpressed feelings and unvoiced thoughts often arise as individuals remember unpleasant incidents in the past. Within gestalt reminiscence therapy, a supportive environment is created which allows participants to experience feelings associated with such events and come to terms with them.
Participants in gestalt reminiscence therapy increase their awareness, become more responsible for themselves and free themselves from shelved issues. Awareness is focused on the `here and now' and may involve either a current, recent or more distant event. Increased responsibility for themselves allows older adults to have a greater sense of empowerment, even within a nursing home setting. Group members are enabled to live more fully in the present by coming to terms with unfinished business. Emotions accompanying a particular story can be identified, expressed and completed.
Memories can be triggered in social interaction: being asked about memories will spark off memories (Sacks, 1995). However, memories can also be `objectified'. Particular articles can trigger memories because of their associations--when and where they were acquired or from whom they were received. Fairhurst (1997) stated that these type of objects are not just material things, they `are memories' (Fairhurst, 1997, p. 69). Memories can be embodied in places as well as possessions especially if the people associated with them are deceased.
Butler (1963) saw memories as a potential fount of mastery, wisdom and gratification. Reminiscing, therefore, has a therapeutic potential that goes beyond its social function. Recounting memories can be a way to approach talking about and appraising one's own life. Watt and Wong (1991) outlined a taxonomy of reminiscence as a first step in developing the therapeutic use of memories. They identified six different types: integrative, instrumental, transmissive, narrative, escapist and obsessive. The function of integrative reminiscence is to attain meaning and reconciliation with regard to one's past. It may involve working through feelings of guilt, failure and depression. Instrumental reminiscence acts as a buffer against emotional distress, as the person recalls past efforts in coping with difficult situations, sometimes in order to help solve a present difficulty. Watt (1986) found that this type of reminiscing is associated with `successful ageing' (cited in Watt and Wong, 1991). An instructive aspect identifies transmissive reminiscing: the speaker can `hand on' some enduring values acquired when growing up in a different era. These reminiscences, therefore, always concern `a moral'. They differ from purely narrative reminiscences, which are restricted to `descriptive or factual accounts of the past for the purpose of providing biographical information' (Watt and Wong, 1991, p. 49).
The two forms of memory-sharing which are not as adaptive in a coping sense are escapist and obsessive. The former has a fantasy/daydreaming quality, which can be viewed as beneficial by the speaker. Since the accent is on the `good old days', it allows an escape from a possibly much more gloomy present. The relief experienced is usually only temporary however. Obsessive reminiscing shows the preoccupation with disturbing past events and the speaker may be haunted by feelings of `guilt, resentment and despair' (Watt and Wong, 1991, p. 51). This type of reminiscence would be viewed as a marker of `unfinished business' in gestalt reminiscence therapy. Watt and Wong (1991) coded their subjects' recollections according to 11 themes: childhood memories; dating and marriage; domestic life; children and grandchildren; significant others (including relatives and friends); education and career (including personal accomplishments); societal events; health; relocation; death; and existential beliefs (including religious or philosophical beliefs regarding life and death).
Memories are the raw material of gestalt reminiscence therapy. Memories emerge through a number of different avenues, such as linking to objects and people, locations, past achievements, historical events, private events and public occasions, sensitive issues, a particular word, past and recent events. Recounting them can have a number of different functions from a social and therapeutic point of view. Memories can link people's experiences, giving group members a common ground and providing important interpersonal contact. The feeling of `shared experience' this type of reminiscing provides may then develop into subsequent interpersonal bonding. The group process is also facilitated through the linking of themes between group members. Memories can also serve to boost either the self-esteem of the speaker or another group participant by concentrating on past achievements. They can furthermore help to identify unfinished business, which may need to be worked on within the group setting or in one-to-one therapy. From a social-historical point of view, the act of relating memories can give the teller a sense of `empowerment' as a personal expert on the times they lived in.
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Interpersonal, social, and structural stressors have been identified as key elements that explain health disparities between transgender and cisgender individuals. However, most of this research has focused on binary transgender individuals or has not differentiated between binary and nonbinary individuals; little research has examined the experiences of minority stress or health of those identifying outside the gender binary. Guided by intersectionality and drawing on a sample of 3,568 college students from the Center for Collegiate Mental Health’s 2012−2016 database—of whom 892 identified outside the gender binary—we conducted analyses of demographic and outcome measures administered in participants’ 1st counseling appointment, examining differences between cisgender, transgender, and genderqueer individuals. We found that genderqueer individuals were harassed, sexually abused, and subjected to traumatic events at higher rates than were either cisgender or binary transgender individuals, with approximately 50% of genderqueer individuals reporting one of these experiences. We found that genderqueer individuals experienced more anxiety, depression, psychological distress, and eating concerns than did binary transgender and cisgender individuals and more social anxiety than did cisgender individuals. Genderqueer individuals more frequently reported self-harm and suicidality than did any other group, with approximately 2/3 of participants’ having contemplated and nearly 50% making a suicide attempt. We extend current theorizing about minority stress (Hendricks & Testa, 2012; Meyer, 2003) to include genderqueer individuals and delineate several structural aspects of genderqueer experiences that may be responsible for these trends, including others’ lack of knowledge about genderqueer experiences and pronouns, poor access to legal and medical resources, and systemic discrimination. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved)
Dignifying the colonizer and depreciating the colonized is a reflection of internalized colonial oppression (i.e., colonial mentality). The current study examined the effect of colonial mentality on depression symptoms in a sample of mainland Puerto Ricans (N = 352). A structural equation model was examined, in which colonial mentality was hypothesized to be directly and positively associated with depression symptoms. The proposed model also tested the indirect effect of colonial mentality on depression symptoms via acculturative stress. Results indicated that a full mediation structural equation model (SEM) had a better fit to the data than our hypothesized partial mediation model. Bias-corrected bootstrapping indicated that the effect of colonial mentality on depressive symptoms was mediated by acculturative stress. That is, colonial mentality increased the risk of experiencing depression symptoms in Puerto Ricans when they felt pressured to maintaining a connection with Puerto Rican culture and society and when they experienced rejection by the society they want to emulate (acculturative stress). The current results underscore the need for researchers and clinicians to consider and assess colonial mentality when conceptualizing depression symptoms among mainland Puerto Ricans. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved)
Research on emotion regulation in East Asian children and adolescents is limited. One obstacle hindering the development of emotion regulation for East Asian children and adolescents is the lack of a culturally sensitive measure. To fill this gap, we have developed and validated the Emotional Cultivation Scale using samples of Taiwanese children and adolescents. In Study 1, an exploratory factor analysis (n = 341) identified two factors: Cultivating Emotion Strategies and Understanding Emotion Connotations. A confirmatory factor analysis (n = 358) confirmed this two-factor structure. Coefficient αs were .69 to .88 for Emotional Cultivation. Convergent validity was evidenced by positive associations with cognitive reappraisal and cognitive flexibility. Discriminant validity was supported by a nonsignificant association with suppression. Concurrent validity was revealed by positive associations with positive affect, basic psychological need satisfaction, gratitude, responsiveness from teachers, responsiveness from parents, and academic self-efficacy. Incremental validity was evidenced by the finding that emotional cultivation significantly accounted for an additional 2 to 20% of the variance in predicting cognitive flexibility, positive affect, basic psychological need satisfaction, gratitude, responsiveness from teachers, responsiveness from parents, and academic self-efficacy above and beyond cognitive reappraisal and suppression. Results from the multigroup analysis further indicated factor loading invariance and validity invariance between boys and girls and between elementary and middle schools. The factor structure was cross-validated by a clinical sample of Taiwanese children and adolescents (N = 161) and their parents in Study 2 (N = 159). The counseling implications were discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved)
There is a paucity of research on the potentially distinctive functions of cognitive and affective expectation of stigma. Moreover, expectation of stigma has received limited research attention with sexual minority people of color who may anticipate interlocking heterosexist and racist stigmatization. In this study, data from 209 sexual minority people of color were analyzed using path analysis and bootstrap procedures to test direct and indirect relations among perceived discrimination, expectation of stigma, coping self-efficacy, and psychological distress. Analyses disaggregated expectation of stigma into its cognitive (i.e., perceived likelihood of stigma) and affective (i.e., worry and anxiety about stigma) components. Results revealed that perceived discrimination had a unique direct link with psychological distress. In addition, perceived discrimination was linked indirectly with greater distress through affective expectation of stigma and problem-focused and emotion-focused coping self-efficacy. These findings suggest the importance of social justice interventions to reduce discrimination. Additionally, the findings suggest that interventions should attend to affective worry and anxiety about stigma and foster problem-focused and emotion-focused coping self-efficacy. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved)
This study examined factors that played a role in Latina/o undergraduate students’ persistence in engineering at a Hispanic serving institution (HSI; N = 10) using the consensual qualitative research method (CQR; Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997). Data analyses resulted in five domains: institutional conditions, additive intersectional burdens, personal and cultural wealth, coping skills, and engineering identity. Participants described how they persisted in the face of stressors, citing specific coping skills they developed over time as well as general personal and cultural strengths they carried with them into their pursuit of engineering. Although the structures of the students’ institution were generally described as supportive, Latina participants reported experiences with gendered racism that created added barriers to their persistence in engineering. Supportive institutional conditions, personal and cultural assets, and adaptive coping strategies appeared to facilitate the development of a strong engineering identity, which helped to solidify students’ sense of belonging, pride, and commitment to complete their degree. Results highlight the need to address intersecting experiences of privilege and oppression to promote access and equity for Latinas/os in engineering. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved)
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